This essay is one of four in which I address current issues in Cajun and Creole studies. The other essays can be found here.
I wrote these works not only as a historian, but as someone who identifies as both a Cajun and a Creole. As I note in one of these essays, “[M]any of my ancestors were Creoles of French heritage. My own family tree abounds with tell-tale Creole surnames: de la Morandière, Soileau, de la Pointe, Fuselier de la Claire, Brignac, Bordelon, de Livaudais, and others. . . . As such, I could, if I chose to do so (and sometimes I do), identify as Creole — doubly so because Cajuns themselves are to begin with a kind of Creole.”
I trust those with whom I express disagreement will accept this critique in the collegial spirit it is intended.
I thank Dr. Barry Jean Ancelet, Dr. David Cheramie, Dr. Phebe Hayes, independent researcher Don Arceneaux, and former CODOFIL president Warren A. Perrin for proofing the below essay. Thanks also to Dr. John Mack Faragher for proofing endnote six.
In a recent essay I
noted the understandable trend among some scholars and activists to reclaim
what is Creole from the overweening, often misapplied blanket term Cajun.
In another recent essay I examined the much less explicable trend of asserting,
despite evidence to the contrary, that the word Cajun — and indeed the
entire Cajun ethnic group — appeared only in the late 20th century.
|"Cajun sugarcane farmer with daughter, |
near New Iberia, Louisiana,"
Russell Lee, photographer (1938)
Source: Library of Congress
claim, found recently in both academic and more journalistic or bloggish sources, concerns the "whiteness"(1) of the Cajun people. In short, some writers
claim that Cajuns were not considered "white" until the 20th century and even, according to some, until the late 20th century.(2)
however, does not bear out this statement, which is often presented axiomatically, with little or no primary-source documentation, as if a self-evident truth.
Granted, the historical
record does contain at least a few references suggesting a certain non-white
quality to the Cajun people. In 1860, for example, a widely printed newspaper article noted of the Cajuns (called "Acadians" in the piece), "[They] are a strange clannish people, resembling much in appearance and habits, the race of Gipsies [sic]." Then, in 1922, a Cajun surnamed Pitre sued a man for slander who supposedly called him "a damned dirty low-down 'Cadian' — pronouncing it 'Cajan' — and a damned half-breed n*****." This, however, is not so strong an example as it may at first seem, because the defendant convinced a judge that he had not hurled the racial epithet at the Cajun plaintiff — who described himself in court as "of the Caucasian race, of Acadian descent" — but rather at a black messenger sent on behalf of the Cajun plaintive.(3)
|Pitre v. Sacker,|
in The Southern Reporter (1922)
Another questionable example dates from 1945, when a book reviewer described a novel's
fictional characters as "a poverty-stricken population of poor whites and
cajuns [sic]" — arguably suggesting Cajuns were something other than "poor
whites." (Perhaps poor non-whites?) There is also the occasional
reference to Cajuns as non-whites that can be traced to a simple lack of cultural understanding. For
instance, in 1897 an Iowan visiting south Louisiana noted, "[T]he natives, a mixture of Negro and Mexican, are called 'Cajuns' (Acadians)." (Even so, this is not so egregious an error as one by a mid-20th-century author who traced the Cajuns' ethnicity to Christian disciples in first-century Armenia!)(4)
|Decorah (Iowa) |
Public Opinion (1897)
Found more frequently, however, are references to Cajuns as separated from the mass of white people not by race, but by class. In 1866, for instance, a writer for Harper's described Cajuns as "the descendants of Canadian French settlers in Louisiana; and by dint of intermarriage [with each other] they have succeeded in getting pretty well down in the social scale. Without energy, education, or ambition, they are good representatives of the white trash." This negative classist view persisted into the modern era, when, for example, United Artists re-released a 1956 motion picture set among hostile Cajuns under the new title Poor White Trash. Again, this trend reflects a perceived class distinction, not a racial one, between Cajuns and other whites.(5)
|Ad for the Cajun-themed movie Poor White Trash,|
originally released under the title Bayou (1956 & 1961).
Turning from class back to the original issue of race: despite rare and iffy exceptions, the general trend is that others have overwhelmingly viewed Cajuns as "white." In fact, the historical record indicates
that Cajuns have been considered "white" since well into the 19th-century, when their
Acadian ancestors and other ethnic groups coalesced in south Louisiana to become the Cajuns.(6)
I find this unsurprising because the Cajuns' ancestors hailed primarily from Europe (mainly
France, but also Germany, Spain, and elsewhere on the continent) and because Cajuns — according to commonly held standards persisting over time — "looked
white" and, for all practical purposes, were "white." (At
this point it is worth noting that race is increasingly viewed as an outmoded concept, one
unsupported by biology or other scientific fields. This is, however,
problematic for historians because, even if the idea of race is bankrupt, the
concept nevertheless remains an extremely strong catalyst in historical events.)(7)
I base my assertions
about Cajun "whiteness" on evidence like that found in the below list of historical
references. This list makes no pretense of completeness: there are no doubt
many more historical references to Cajuns as "white" remaining to be found.
Some of the below
sources express negative views of Cajuns as well as overtly racist sentiments about African Americans.
This unpleasant fact, however, has no bearing on the issue at hand: those
benighted sources, like the more innocuous ones, nonetheless viewed Cajuns as "white." Indeed, I find it interesting that the racist sources, instead of rejecting
the perhaps suspect Roman Catholic, French-speaking Cajuns as something other than "white," actually embraced them as "white." (Likewise, I believe it speaks volumes that,
as historian Carl A. Brasseaux has noted of the racist White League chapters
formed in postbellum south Louisiana, "Acadians [Cajuns] constituted a
disproportionately large percentage of their memberships." This prompts the
question, "If Cajuns were not viewed as 'white' until recently, why, then, did
so many belong to this 19th-century white supremacist group?")(8)
Acadian to Cajun (1992)
Here is the list of supporting
evidence for Cajun "whiteness":
"They proposed to
hang the whole settlement because a colored man living there once killed a
white Acadian [Cajun]." ~ "The Vigilantes of
Vermilion," New Orleans Republican, reprinted in The Opelousas
Journal, 21 November 1873, p. 2.
Weekly Chronicle (1884)
"The Acadians are all
white . . . [and] are still a strong reminder of the old Norman stock of which
they come. . . ." ~ "The Acadians," New
York Telegram, reprinted in Clarksville (Tenn.) Weekly Chronicle,
3 May 1884, p. 4.
|Albert, The House of Bondage (1890).|
"Who were these 'Cadien
patrollers, Uncle Stephen?' 'Why, child, they were the meanest things in
creation; they were poor, low down white folks. . . .'" ~ Octavia Victoria
Rogers Albert, The House of Bondage; Or, Charlotte Brooks and Other Slaves
[fictional work] (New York: Hunt & Eaton, 1890), p. 106.
"Nearly all the white
folks who trudged along the highway were Acadians. . . . and it is strange
indeed to hear that we must not call them 'Cajuns to their faces. . . ." ~ Julian Ralph, "Acadians
at Home," Harper's Magazine, reprinted in The Indianapolis Journal,
3 November 1893, p. 2.
|Ralph, "Acadians at Home," |
"It is a race war
rather than a political fight that is now waging in St. Landry Parish in
Louisiana. It is between the Acadians . . . and the negro [sic]. . . .
[N]ine-tenths of the white people are Acadians, descendants of the unfortunate
French settlers of Nova Scotia. They have no use for the negro, and the
national [natural?] antipathy between the two races is very strong." ~ No title, Waterbury
(Conn.) Evening Democrat, 17 April 1896, p. 2.
Evening Democrat (1896)
"[A]mong these white
men, and forming a large portion of them, are the descendants of the Acadians
who were transported from Nova Scotia to Louisiana. . . ." ~ The Sunday at
Home 45 (1897), p. 408.
"But many of the best
white families in Louisiana, especially the descendants of the old Acadians,
keep their ancient simplicity and are unable to read." ~ "The Negro's Ballot," The (Phoenix) Arizona Republican, 22 January 1898, p. 2.
"The third class of
white colonists were the Acadians, or, as they are popularly called in
Louisiana today, 'Cagans.'" ~ "Whites in the
Majority," The (Washington, D.C.) Times, 12 August 1901, p. 3.
[Note: by "third class" the author does not mean "inferior"; he means by chance
Cajuns are the third group of white Louisianians discussed in his article.]
"[T]he Acadians in
Louisiana are about the most prolific white people on the globe." ~ No title, The Colfax
(Wash.) Gazette, 13 September 1901, p. 4.
|Colfax (Wash.) Gazette (1901)|
"[Y]our Cajan will
give a lazy ha ha, where any other white man would swear. . . ." ~ E. H. Lancaster, "The
Wooing of Angela" [fictional work], The Coalville (Utah) Times, 5
December 1902, p. 3.
"[T]he negroes [sic]
are being crowded out of work on the sugar plantations by white labor, such as
Acadians. . . ." ~ "Negro's Critical
Position in the Industrial World," The (Raleigh, N.C.) News &
Observer, 7 December 1902, Section One, p. 11.
"Then there are the 'Cajuns,'
white people, the descendants of the Acadians. . . ." ~ "Louisiana Sugar:
Statement of Joe B. Chaffe, Representing the American Cane Growers' Association," Senate Documents, 67th Congress, 2nd Session, 1921-1922, Vol. 5, Part 3 (Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1922), p. 2308.
|Senate Documents (1922)|
transported by separate barges, were Acadian farming families, chattering among
themselves in a thick, unfamiliar French dialect." ~ Will Irwin, "Except
for War, America Knows No Destruction Equal to That of Flood, Writes Noted
Author," New Britain (Conn.) Herald, 17 May 1927, Sec. 2, p. 21.
"A majority of the
white tenants are 'Cajuns.' These Cajuns are trustworthy, but as a rule are
illiterate." ~ Sherrod De Floy
Morehead, Merchant Credit to Farmers in Louisiana (Russellville,
[Ark.?]: privately printed, 1929), p. 16.
"One of the films in
the making is a story of the Cajuns, a little known group of primitive whites." ~ "Out Where the
Movies Begin," (Washington, D.C.) Evening Star, 24 May 1933, p. B-12.
|(Washington, D.C.) Evening Star (1933)|
"[The Creoles] often
had a word for the poorer Cajuns: 'Canaille!' — that was their way of saying
poor-white trash." ~ Shields McIlwaine, The
Southern Poor-White from Lubberland to Tobacco Road (Norman, Okla.:
University of Oklahoma Press, 1939), p. 143.
"[T]he Cajuns, the
Louisiana poor white descendants of Longfellow's Acadians. . . ." ~ The Journal of
Negro History 34 (1949), p. 123.
(1) In this essay I use the term "whiteness" to mean "a set of characteristics and experiences generally associated with being a member of the white race and having white skin." Although I am primarily interested in this basic definition, the term "whiteness" can also refer, for example, to "the way that white people, their customs, culture, and beliefs operate as the standard by which all other groups are compared" and "a historically contingent and socially constructed racial category, once defined . . . by privilege and power. . . ." among other, similar definitions. Nicki Lisa Cole, "The Definition of Whiteness in American Society," ThoughtCo.com, 8 November 2019, https://www.thoughtco.com/whiteness-definition-3026743, accessed 22 November 2020; "Whiteness," National Museum of African American History and Culture/Smithsonian Institution, https://nmaahc.si.edu/learn/talking-about-race/topics/whiteness, accessed 22 November 2020; Teresa J. Guess, "The Social Construction of Whiteness: Racism by Intent, Racism by Consequence," Critical Sociology 32 (July 2006), p. 667, per https://www.cwu.edu/diversity/sites/cts.cwu.edu.diversity/files/documents/constructingwhiteness.pdf, accessed 22 November 2020.
I choose neither to identify nor quote the sources to which I take exception and which prompted me to write this essay. Although that practice would be requisite for an academic publication, and would in some ways strengthen my assertions, I nevertheless do not wish this discussion to involve personalities, but, rather, only issues of substance and the actual historical evidence.
word Cajun is used in this essay to refer solely to the so-named people of south
Louisiana and a small portion of east Texas, not to the identically named
persons of different heritage who inhabit part of Alabama and who have been
described in modern scholarship as "not entirely White, Black, or
Indian but [who] constitute a triracial community somewhat reproductively
isolated and inbred." See W. S. Pollitzer et al., "The Cajuns of Southern
Alabama: Morphology and Serology," American Journal of Physical Anthropology
47 (July 1977): pp. 1-6; the quote is from the abstract of this article found
on the website of the National Library of Medicine,
https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/888930/, accessed 19 November 2020.
(3) "Acadians in Louisiana," The [Baltimore, Md.] Daily Exchange, 19 October 1860, p. 1; Pitre v. Sacker, 23 June 1922, Louisiana Supreme Court, No. 23387 (151 La. 1079, 92 So. 705 ), cited in Louisiana Reports, Vol. 151 (St. Paul: West Publishing, 1922), p. 1079.
(4) "A Lion in the
Streets" [book review], (Washington, D.C.) Evening Star, 10 June 1945,
p. C-3; Mrs. Geo. P. Bent, "From Sunny Climes," Decorah (Iowa) Public
Opinion, 16 March 1897, p. 1; André Cajun [pseudonym], Why Louisiana Has. . . (New Orleans: Harmanson, 1947), p. 16-21. This volume reads, "The story of the class, or group of people in Louisiana known as 'Cajuns'[,] began the hour St. Bartholomew, a disciple [of Jesus], gave up the ghost. The location of this sad event was the ancient land of Armenia. . . ." The author goes on to state that over roughly 1,700 years a group of persecuted Christians migrated from Armenia to France, Nova Scotia, and, finally, Louisiana, where they became the Cajuns.
Why Louisiana Has. . . (1947)
(5) Shane K. Bernard, The Cajuns: Americanization of a People (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2003), pp. xvii, 121. In this 2003 book I note that Cajuns were known to be reviled by local blacks as "Acadian n*****s," which would appear to be a prime example of labeling Cajuns as non-whites. On closer examination, however, I see that the original 19th-century quote states, "the n******, when they want to express contempt for one of their own race, call him [a fellow black person] an Acadian n*****." In other words, this pejorative was used as a black-on-black insult, not as an expression of Cajun non-whiteness. See A.R.W. [Alfred Rudolph Waud], "Acadians of Louisiana," Harper's Weekly, 20 October 1866, p. 670.
(6) One researcher has
questioned the "whiteness" of the original Acadian exiles arriving in
Louisiana, noting esteemed Yale historian John Mack Faragher's examination, in
his 2006 book A Great and Noble Scheme, of "métissage" — the
intermarriage of French settlers in Acadie with the indigenous Míkmaq. While it
is true that Acadians and Míkmaq often produced métis offspring, it is
important to avoid exaggerating the extent of this interracial mixing. Métissage
played a more important role in Acadia's early history, when French male
colonists turned to Native American women for companionship because of a lack
of female colonists. This trend,
however, became less common with the arrival of additional French women and
entire French families, as well as with the coming of French priests who
discouraged interracial dalliances. As Faragher himself notes, "métissage declined
as colonists spent more time farming and less time trading [with Native
Americans]. It was replaced by the recruitment of wayfaring Europeans." The
historian further states that while in some ways the Acadians and Míkmaq were "brothers," it was nonetheless the case that "Acadians and Míkmaq maintained separate
identities and separate communities. . . ." By the 1730s, Faragher observes, "Acadians
and Míkmaq were no longer as close as they once had been. Métissage was
increasingly rare, and the [Roman Catholic] missionary Pierre Maillard pursued
a course that kept natives separate from [colonial] inhabitants." In short,
while Acadians and Míkmaq were interrelated, Faragher does not go so far as to
assert that the Acadians had ceased to be primarily of European extract or, for
that matter, ceased to be considered by others as "white." As a French-language Louisiana newspaper, Le Louisianais, therefore stated in 1873, "Rappellons nous donc les Acadiens. Ils étaient blancs, pauvres, honnêtes et robustes. . . ." — "Let us thus remember the Acadians. They were white, poor, honest and robust" [emphasis added]. See John Mack
Faragher, A Great and Noble Scheme: The Tragic Story of the Expulsion of the
French Acadians from Their American Homeland (New York: W. W. Norton &
Company, 2006), pp. 63, 160, 203; "Local," Le Louisianais (Covent, La.), 15 February 1873, p. 1.
|Faragher's A Great |
and Noble Scheme (2006)
(7) See for example
Elizabeth Kolbert, "There's No Scientific Basis for Race — It's a Made-Up
Label," National Geographic, 12 March 2018,
accessed 19 November 2020; Megan Gannon, "Race Is a Social Construct,
Scientists Argue," Scientific American, 5 February 2016,
accessed 19 November 2020; Melissa Rice, "Evolution and Race: Biologically,
Race is No Longer an Issue, Scientific Panel Agrees," Cornell Chronicle,
11 February 2009,
accessed 19 November 2020; "Executive Summary: AAPA Statement on Race and
Racism," American Association of Physical Anthropologists, ca. 27 March 2019,
accessed 19 November 2020.
(8) Carl A. Brasseaux,
Acadian to Cajun: Transformation of a People, 1803-1877 (Jackson:
University Press of Mississippi, 1992), 144.